Tuesday, February 27, 2018

Is Racial Economic Inequality Systemic?

There has been much talk recently about economic inequality, often specifically 
between white people and black people within the United States. Emotions usually run 
high in these discussions, especially among those who see this inequality as evidence of 
racism within the United States. For example, the Economic Policy Institute published an 
article on January 11 titled “Racial inequalities in wages, income, and wealth show that 
MLK’s work remains unfinished” which argued that “measures of racial economic 
inequality show that we are a long way from remedying the vestiges of racism and the 
centuries of federal, state, and local policies that created these disparities.”(1) This view 
shows a rather myopic view of economics and also has rather dangerous implications. 
For economic inequality is not in and of itself an evil; whereas economic equality is not 
only morally reprehensible, but is also incredibly injudicious. 
Before I explain the non harms of economic inequality, I should present my arguments
for why the opposing view is so dangerous. My reasoning is simple; the only way to get rid of 
economic inequality is to violently violate the rights of many people worldwide. The question 
may be raised that who said that economic inequality needs to be abolished? The answer is that 
anyone who argues that any form of economic inequality “remains a huge issue that our nation 
must come to terms with and resolve” is arguing that economic inequality is intrinsically wrong.(1) 
What must be done in order to rectify this “evil?” The only way to totally rectify this is to 
legislate a world wide “Robin Hood” system of taking from those who have “too much” and give 
it to those who “have too little.” Though perhaps the quote “[f]rom each according to his ability, 
to each according to his need” better sums up this idea.(2) 
The question then becomes why I so vehemently oppose this idea. The answer to this 
question is primarily that this system will never truly come into fruition. When one uses the 
USSR or Venezuela as examples of why communism doesn’t work, one of the first responses is 
that those examples are not “real” communism/socialism so as to invalidate them. However, 
what this position fails to understand is that “real” communism/socialism cannot be realized. Dr. 
Jordan B. Peterson, a clinical psychologist and professor at the University of Toronto, explains 
this issue incredibly well.(3)
“Let’s just say for a minute that some saint did get a hold of the tools of power and did try to 
implement ‘from each according to his ability, to each according to his need’ and actually did 
that in a pure and saint like manner. Here’s what would happen. The next people in the 
revolutionary string, like Stalin, would come along and stab them in their bed in the middle of the 
night and that would be the end of that.”(3) 
Another reason I disagree with this system is that any change that introduces any system 
that is not 100% “true” communism or socialism would result in a vast multitude of deaths, as 
the USSR, Venezuela and many other countries’ attempts have clearly shown, along with the 
clear violations of many human rights, such as violations of Articles 9, 10, 12, 17, 18, and 19 of 
the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights.(4)
    The argument could then be raised that one needn't treat global equality as a primary goal, 
but that one should treat national equality as a foremost objective instead. This argument belies 
an oftentimes ignorant and/or arrogant view about what a person “deserves.” This stems from 
an inward focus, or thinking primarily about the self, which is at the base of the vast majority of 
people’s mindset; it is the rare outlier that is perpetually outward thinking, or others focused. 
This is especially true when the topic of wages is discussed. The economist Ludwig Von Mises 
describes this mindset well: “If the American...says equality, he means expropriating the holders 
of shares and bonds for his own benefit. He does not consider sharing with the unskilled workers
who earn less. At best, he thinks of equality of all American citizens. It never occurs to him that 
the peoples of Latin America, Asia, and Africa may interpret the postulate of equality as world 
equality and not as national equality.”(5)
    One may respond by claiming that those of one nation are the only people entitled to the 
benefits of said nation’s production. However, the issue with this line of thinking is that once one 
starts redistributing benefits from those who put effort and/or investments into the production of 
a good/service, the same argument can be used to increase the amount of people who receive 
said benefits. Even if one starts at dividing the profits from a company between the people of the
town the company is located in, the same argument could be made to expand the profits to each
person in the county, because people in the county and not just in the town support the 
company. Then, the same argument could be made to expand the profits to the people of the 
entire state, then the country, then the continent and then, finally, the entire world. Another way 
to describe why this argument fails is because “[a]n American worker has no better title to claim 
the savings of the American capitalist than has any foreigner.”(5)
    The argument could also be made that this action of redistributing profits would stifle 
innovation and/or the creation of added production. This is because one of the main reasons for 
a person to risk their financial capital for the production of a new, or additional, good/service is 
because of the added profits they would reap if the good/service is produced. One could also 
argue that beyond the idea of profits is the idea of a person gaining access to additional 
goods/services if they increase their output of said good/service. Within a system that does not 
allow an individual to increase their profits in such drastic fashion, the largest reason to innovate
and increase production would be removed, causing innovation to slow, if not cease. To quote 
Milton Friedman, “[g]overnment can never duplicate the variety and diversity of individual 
action...government would replace progress by stagnation, it would substitute uniform
mediocrity for the variety essential for that experimentation which can bring tomorrow's laggards 
above today's mean.”(6) 
So, if true economic equality is unachievable, what then should be done about the economic 
differences between races? Is it true that this inequality comes from “the vestiges of racism and 
the centuries of federal, state, and local policies?”(1) While many use this statistic as evidence of 
structural racism, including those whose job titles include accolades such as “director of the 
Economic Policy Institute’s Program on Race, Ethnicity, and the Economy,” the evidence seems 
to suggest that other forces may be in play.(7) Political commentator Ben Shapiro introduces this 
possibility quite well.(8)
With rhetorical questions out of the way, one can look at actual data and attempt to draw 
conclusions about the reality of this situation.
Perhaps the best way to look at this situation is actually to look at similarities between those 
in poverty and those in the middle class and see if any correlations can be drawn from the data. 
Thankfully, that research has already been done. According to an article published in 2013 by 
Ron Haskins, a senior fellow of economic studies at the Brookings Institute, “in a free society, 
[you] enter adulthood with three major responsibilities: at least finish high school, get a full-time 
job and wait until age 21 to get married and have children. Our research shows that of 
American adults who followed these three simple rules, only about 2 percent are in poverty and 
nearly 75 percent have joined the middle class (defined as earning around $55,000 or more per 
year).”(9) After a review of these three categories-education, job status, and household type-it 
would appear that they greatly affect how this situation should be viewed.
The first factor for wealth discrepancies is educational attainment. According to a report 
published by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the percentages of Whites and Blacks who held at 
least a high school diploma in 2016 were nearly identical, 92 and 93 percent respectively.(10) 
While this might look like evidence against the position I hold, the situation looks different when 
one looks at college graduation rates. This is because, per the Pew Research Center, “Millennial
college graduates ages 25 to 32 who are working full time earn more annually—about $17,500 
more—than employed young adults holding only a high school diploma.”(11) This affects the 
situation discussed because not only was there a difference of 10 percentage points in 
bachelor’s degree attainment between Whites and Blacks in 2016, but also this gap may slowly 
be shrinking.(10) According to a 2015 report from the United States Census Bureau “[t]he gap 
between Whites and Blacks remained stable, between 11 and 14 percentage points from 1988 
to 2015.”(12) However, until newer reports are published, one cannot know for sure. This being 
said, there is a clear discrepancy between the races when it comes to educational attainment 
and since education has a very significant correlation with higher wages, one would have to 
include a systemic reason for this discrepancy if one is to argue it does not help answer some of
the question of racial economic inequality.
The second factor mentioned was job status. The information given by the Bureau of Labor 
Statistics on the demographics of full-time workers is rather complicated, though one can still 
draw interesting conclusions from it. The Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population 
Survey of 2017 by the Bureau of Labor Statistics forces one to do some calculations of their own
to find information on the racial demographics of full-time workers. It published that out of all, 
124,525,000 full-time workers, the number of White men over 20 was 56,620,000 and the 
equivalent statistics for White women, African American men and African American women were
40,696,000; 7,452,000; and 7,803,000 respectively.(13) This means that White people made up a 
slightly disproportionate amount of full-time workers, at approximately 78%, while African 
Americans made up a more proportionate amount at approximately 12%.
Again, this small difference seems to do the opposite of bolstering my thesis when seen in a 
vacuum. However, the larger difference that should be addressed is the issue of unemployment. 
While the employment to population ratio for Whites and African Americans are close, 60.2% 
and 56.4% respectively, the unemployment rate for African Americans is almost twice as high as
Whites at 8.4% to 4.3%.(14) 
With this information, some argue a form of systemic oppression is to blame for this disparity.
For example, many use a 2004 study conducted by Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil 
Mullainathan to argue that “African Americans face a number of barriers to employment, 
including biases from recruiters. The study found that employers were 50 percent more likely to 
call in the person with the white-sounding name for an interview, even though the two résumés 
had exactly the same qualifications.”(15) The logical progression is that if people with “white 
sounding” names get 50% more callbacks, then people with “black sounding” names receive 
that many fewer callbacks. This results in them being less likely to get jobs, let alone well paying
jobs. Therefore, this discrepancy in callbacks results in wealth inequality.
However, this study fails to provide evidence for the premises after “employers were 50 
percent more likely to call in the person with the white-sounding name for an interview.”(15) In 
fact, the study even said that “[o]ur procedure, however, simply measures callbacks for 
interviews. To the extent that the search process has even moderate frictions, one would expect 
that reduced interview rates would translate into reduced job offers. However, we are not able to
translate our results into gaps in hiring rates or gaps in earnings.”(16) Therefore, one cannot say 
definitively about whether this callback discrepancy causes economic inequality or not.
The last factor mentioned was household type. Specifically, that one should only have 
children within the context of marriage. This idea comes from the connecting word ‘and’ in the 
statement “wait until age 21 to get married and have children.”(9) This may be the most important
factor in understanding this racial inequality as it shows the largest differences between the 
races. First, there is the fact that married couples have a larger average income than other types
of households. From the US Census Bureau Publication Income and Poverty in the United 
States: 2016, “For family households, married-couple households had the highest median 
income in 2016 ($87,057), followed by households maintained by men with no wife present 
($58,051). Family households maintained by women with no husband present had the lowest 
median income ($41,027).”(17) 
Also, there is the issue of the number of breadwinners in each family. According to Mark 
Perry of the American Enterprise Institute, “one of the main factors in explaining differences in 
income among US households is the number of earners per household...the unadjusted ratio of 
average income for the highest to lowest quintile of 16.1 times...falls to a ratio of only 3.5 times 
when comparing ‘income per earner’ of the two quintiles.”(18) How does this information relate to 
the topic at hand? Per the US Census Bureau’s 2012 American Community Survey, the 
percentage of single parent African American households, 56%, was over twice the national 
average of 27.1%.(19) 
To be clear, this information should not be used to argue that income inequality has nothing 
to do with racism, that would be incredibly injudicious. For one would simply need to bring forth 
a single instance of a single person whose income was punished solely because of the color of 
their skin to break the foundations of that argument. One could also argue that the average 
black family has had less generations that were able to garner wealth than the average white 
family because of slavery and therefore the income disparity is partially due to racism. Rather, 
what I have done here is put forth an argument that while race could be partially responsible for 
the economic disparity between races, it is not the sole factor nor is it the largest factor. 
According to the evidence previously cited, it would seem that a large part of the differences 
between races come down to cultural differences and interpersonal decisions.
Finally, is this essay arguing that economic inequality is an inevitable or necessary evil? By 
no means. Within a capitalistic market system, economic inequality is morally neutral as it is the 
result of a myriad of voluntary exchanges of money for goods and/or services. As long as 
contracts are kept and laws followed, the mere existence of economic inequality is neither moral
nor immoral. Instead, it is a byproduct of the existence of goods and/or services that a large 
enough portion of the general population wish to purchase that they would pay a substantial 
amount more than the costs of production to purchase said good/service. It is similar to the 
mere existence of student loan debt. While outside the scope of this essay, there is evidence 
that student debt usually is a consequence of an investment made that, for the vast majority of 
people, results in higher wages which could not be made if it were not for the loans they took 
out.(20)(21) 
Through the essay, I have laid out my reasoning not only for the necessity of economic 
inequality but also for its moral and racial neutrality. Given these arguments, it is my hope, not 
simply that one would agree with what I have proposed, but rather that one would ponder these 
propositions and discern whether they agree with what I have to say and the reasoning for their 
decision. In doing so, one would not only better understand their position, and even worldview, 
but also another’s position. This would, hopefully, result in a more nuanced discussion about 
these topics as people are more likely to have constructive discussions on topics they better 
understand.

Works Cited

















  1. cos.gatech.edu/facultyres/Diversity_Studies/Bertrand_LakishaJamal.pdf





Monday, November 13, 2017

UnLearn Week and Ethno-Nationalism



Last month, we held an event called “UnLearn Week” here at Calvin College, where the school, according to its website, “provides a safe, campus-wide forum for panel discussions, lectures, presentations and workshops that aim to increase self-awareness of deep-seated prejudices and stereotypes, encourage personal evaluation of attitudes and actions towards those with different cultural values, and increase knowledge of different cultures.”(1) Monday morning held the first session of the week titled “UnLearn Chapel” where Pastor Ricardo Tavarez of Envio Church spoke about his experiencing racial prejudice and why we, as Christians, should be actively unlearning biases, stereotypes, and racism.
As I listened and looked over the small card I picked up that held the Itinerary of UnLearn Week 2017, I realized that there was one voice missing from this conversation. In their passionate striving for “every voice to be heard” they missed an important one: mine. They do not offer a time/space for a different view or even for discussion which meant that all people hear is one side of the argument, a move some would call poor for an institution that opens its mission statement saying it “equips students to think deeply.”(2) For how can one truly think deeply about an issue without a proper understanding of the topic, without the whole story? I’ve seen nothing that suggests the school even thought to give a platform to a person who rejects the presupposition that there is evidence of institutional racism at a national level in the United States or that many issues construed as race issues might be better handled if understood as class issues.
If I had to use one word to describe my feelings once this hit me, it would be disappointment. If this school is truly “a Christian academic community dedicated to rigorous intellectual inquiry” then shouldn’t it follow that the school not shy away from controversy and instead choose to truly give a voice to all people and, more than simply let all sides of an issue say their piece, give them a public platform to do so?(2) Simply put, I am deeply disappointed in this school’s choice of action and it has failed my expectations of intellectual maturity set by their being “ranked #1 in Regional Colleges Midwest.”(3)
Another issue I have with UnLearn Week is that of its “slogan.” On the handouts that hold the schedule, there is a quote by Larry Niven, “Half of wisdom is learning what to unlearn.”(4) The reasons I take issue to the use of this quote are twofold. Firstly, an argument can be made that it is self defeating. If half of wisdom truly is learning what to unlearn, how do we know that quote is not something we need to unlearn? Secondly, and more importantly, I’ve seen no reasoning for why these people’s arguments are correct. We are expected to just take what is being said to us at face value. I take issue with this because, again, how are we to know that what we are being told isn’t something to be unlearned? One could argue, also, that the school does not respect its students’ intellect enough to explain why the views expressed are correct and instead wants them to listen and believe. It would seem that in this instance, the school does not wish for us to “think deeply” nor commit “rigorous intellectual inquiry” and instead join in intellectual lockstep with the faculty.(2)
If there is any value to be taken from UnLearn week for the community at large, it would be that of intellectual rigor. However, I fear the unintended consequences of not simply this action by Calvin College, but also the prominence of this ideology in today’s culture are immense and highly dangerous. The largest of these is division. Our current political climate is highly divisive and I would argue that identity politics and attempts to reduce people to simply the groups they are part of are one of the main causes of division. As Brendan O’Neill said in February 2015, “the more we define our social and political outlook with reference to what’s in our underpants or what colour our skin is, the more we experience every criticism of our beliefs as an attack on our very personhood, our souls, our right to exist...The end result is implicitly divisive, hinting that the young have different interests to the old, blacks think differently to whites, and women are a distinctive political species.”(5)
Another dangerous unintentional consequence of this intellectual, and cultural, climate is that people are being drawn to certain, toxic, ideologies, specifically the “alt-right” and ethnonationalism.
However, before we talk about the alt-right, we must talk about the ideology that has been integral in the expansion of it: modern progressivism. The progressivism of today is an ideology that centers around the ideas like intersectionality, with its roots in various forms of identity politics, such as critical race theory. According to the Oxford English Online Dictionary, identity politics is a “tendency for people of a particular religion, race, social background, etc., to form exclusive political alliances, moving away from traditional broad-based party politics.”(6) Today, there are many people who would agree with the feminist media critic Anita Sarkeesian when she rather famously said “everything is sexist, everything is racist, everything is homophobic and you have to point it all out.”(7) This ideology can be quite dangerous, as University of Toronto professor Dr. Jordan B. Peterson argues, saying “[a]ll of these things that you hear about like ‘white privilege’ for example, they’re variants of collective guilt. I pick your bloody identity, whatever it happens to be, and then I make you a guilty member of that category and then you and the rest of the members of the guilty members of that category are judged as a unit.”(8) American political commentator Dave Rubin, who used to align himself with modern day progressivism, said that within the progressive left, “If you’re black, or female, or Muslim, or Hispanic or a member of any other minority group, you’re judged differently than the most evil of all things: a white, Christian male.”(9) He even went as far as to say that the progressive left is no longer progressive but rather regressive, “[b]anning speakers whose opinions you don’t agree with from college campuses — that’s not progressive. Prohibiting any words not approved of as ‘politically correct’ — that’s not progressive. Putting ‘trigger warnings’ on books, movies, music, anything that might offend people — that’s not progressive, either...All of this has led me to believe that much of the left is no longer progressive, but regressive.”(9)
Recently, arguments have been made that the alt-right is simply made up of racist, white supremacist, neo-natzis. As with most issues, the truth of this matter is more complex than what newspaper headlines would lead one to believe. The best definition of ethnonationalism, sometimes called ethno or ethnic nationalism, I could find was from the Oxford english dictionary which says ethnic nationalism is the “[a]dvocacy of or support for the political interests of a particular ethnic group, especially its national independence or self-determination.”(10) However, I think this definition fails to fully encompass what many, if not all, on the “alt-right” truly believe politically. In my experience, these people believe the things in the above definition, but also, and more importantly, that multiculturalism has failed and will never work and that each country should only accept people from “its” ethnicity. Many think that no race or ethnicity is superior to all others, though there is a sizable and vocal minority that do, and simply think the world would be a better place if all people only interacted with people of their same ethnicity. A good example of this sort of mindset would be this short animation.(11)
The largest issue I have with this line of thinking, besides it being wrong, is that it offers a safe haven for legitimate racists and allows them to attempt to, and often times succeed at, swaying people to their hate.
In essence, the alt-right is a reaction to the prominence of modern day progressivism and the power that progressives hold in modern society, specifically areas of cultural and, until the last general election, political importance. Put simply, the alt-right is a form of identity politics, only for white people instead of the identity politics of non-whites that make up progressivism. One of the famous sayings of the alt-right is the “14 words” which reads “We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children” which is a clear example of identity politics for people of the “white” race.(12)
I have shown why there is a clear case for the alt-right being a form of identity politics, but why is the progressive left to blame for its sudden emergence? One simply needs to peruse websites like Slate, Salon, Everyday Feminism and even the Huffington Post to see the vast swaths of articles that not only demonize white males but also articles that are proponents of vile things such as even pedophillia.(13) Or if you prefer, these two memes encapsulate this notion in a pithy way.(14)(15)
Beyond that, however, one can also look at cases of racial discrimination, plain and simple, of white people, such as what happened at the BBC last year. In May of 2016, the BBC published an advertisement for multiple internships with a caveat that “[a]ll roles advertised through Creative Access are only open to UK nationals from a black, Asian, or non-white ethnic minority.”(16) According to an article published by the newspaper Express “The taxpayer funded corporation has now been accused of potentially unlawful ‘positive discrimination in the workplace’”(16) While some may say that this is a good thing as it is a way that the BBC can now look more like the country as a whole when it comes to diversity, “Express.co.uk has analysed figures, as revealed in the corporation’s own Diversity and Inclusion Strategy 2016-20 report, which show the BBC’s workforce already represents the entire country’s ethnic make up.”(16) While I might argue that a private company should be allowed to discriminate against any people as they see fit, the BBC is a public company and as Omer Simjee, an Employment Lawyer at Irwin Mitchell LLP, said, this action could very well be illegal. “This is a potentially legitimate form of positive discrimination and it is also worth remembering that the BBC is subject to the public sector equality duty which requires organisations to consider how they can eliminate discrimination and advance equality of opportunity.”(16) Also Jane Collins, a member of the European Parliament, was quoted saying “This is a case of the BBC appointing itself as an arbiter of equality when the law requires them to provide equal opportunities for all...Discrimination of any type is abhorrent and totally unacceptable and this kind of ‘positive’ discrimination is utterly counter-productive to race relations.”(16)
Of course, if one is an astute reader then they would know that this is all anecdotal evidence, which is not enough to prove causality. I will readily admit that this is one of the largest weaknesses of my argument. This stems from both a lack of research into this topic and also the fact that this is a rather new phenomenon so there has not been enough time for this phenomenon to fully develop nor enough time for researchers to become interested in it. The only thing close to research done on this topic would be the book written by Jeffery Tucker called “Right-Wing Collectivism: The Other Threat to Liberty” published last month.(17) I have not read the book yet at the time of writing this, so I am by no means endorsing it. However, I mention it solely because it is the one piece of something akin to scholarly research done on the topic of the alt-right.
Finally, I must address the part of this issue that results from feelings. While there might not be copious amounts of definitive evidence that there is discrimination against white people, there is evidence of people thinking that discrimination against white people is a major problem in the United States.(18) While there is still an open debate about whether or not this is actually happening, that can be set aside, for the most part, since people feel like it is. As much as I don’t want this to be the case, people often act based off their feelings, rather than the facts. This leads people to wish to create their own identity politics after feeling like they are being berated by other forms of identity politics.
Before I close, I want to make one thing abundantly clear: I don’t think it is wrong to hold an event like UnLearn week. It is important for everyone to spend time in introspection and for people to think deeply about what they think and why. I truly think that offering a space for people to do this should be a secondary objective of every single post-secondary education institution. That being said, in order for this sort of intellectual training to be beneficial for every person, extra measures must be taken to make sure to offer outlets for attempts to dismantle every presupposition and worldview. When this is not done, what is accomplished is not intellectual maturity but an addition to an echo chamber where people in the intellectual minority are subtly pressured to keep their views silent and many people do not intellectually mature when simply told things they already know. One might also argue that only presenting the one side of this issue is a concession of not being intellectually strong enough to survive a fair and open debate.
For all the reasons stated previously, I am deeply disappointed in this institution and would urge Calvin College to hold this event again, if and only if, they take measures to make sure all sides of the argument have the ability to state their respective cases.



Works Cited